Ameer Makhoul
Middle East Eye / September 3, 2024
For this momentum to translate into tangible political change, the protests must continue and expand.
The general strike called this week by Israel’s largest labour union, Histadrut, marks a significant escalation in the ongoing protests against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government.
These protests, which erupted after the bodies of six Israeli hostages were found in a tunnel network under Gaza, have grown into the largest domestic demonstrations since the war on Gaza began on 7 October.
The involvement of Histadrut adds a new dimension to the unrest, transforming it into a nationwide upheaval.
Families of the hostages have openly accused Netanyahu of betraying their loved ones, saying he has prioritized his personal political strategy over their safe return, as the prime minister insists on maintaining control of the strategically significant Philadelphi Corridor in Gaza.
Netanyahu’s refusal to negotiate a prisoner exchange deal, a decision rooted in his ideological stance, has fuelled anger and desperation among protesters.
The Histadrut’s decision to join this movement and call for a general strike could mark a turning point, mobilizing hundreds of thousands of Israelis in a wave of civil disobedience that could potentially paralyze the government.
But for this momentum to translate into tangible political change, the protests must continue and expand, especially by attracting support from Netanyahu’s own Likud base and other right-wing factions.
Cracks in Netanyahu’s coalition
Netanyahu’s government has been quick to respond, attempting to undermine the strike through various means, including legal challenges, efforts to pit other labour unions against Histadrut, and threats to withhold wages from striking workers.
Likud-led municipalities such as Jerusalem refused to participate in the strike, while the Israeli government launched a campaign portraying the labour action as politically motivated and harmful to Israel’s security interests.
This narrative aims to prevent a significant defection of right-wing supporters to the protest movement. Netanyahu and his allies, including far-right ministers Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, are framing the protests as an existential threat, arguing that the movement’s true aim is to topple the government and sabotage efforts to secure the release of the remaining hostages.
Still, cracks are beginning to show within Netanyahu’s coalition. Aryeh Deri, leader of the Shas party, has called for national unity and a broader coalition that could dilute the influence of far-right elements such as Ben-Gvir and Smotrich.
Haredi parties in the coalition, already uneasy after Ben Gvir’s provocative actions at Al-Aqsa Mosque complex, may find it increasingly difficult to remain in a government that seems to be spiraling into deeper conflict.
The most immediate threat to Netanyahu’s government, however, may come from within. There are whispers within Likud about the potential dismissal of Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, a move Netanyahu appears hesitant to make due to the possible fallout within his party and among the public.
Gallant, bolstered by military support and growing public unrest, may ultimately resign in protest, placing full responsibility for the ongoing crisis on Netanyahu and his hardline allies. Such a move could catalyze a larger break within the coalition, particularly if coupled with a shift in the stance of the Haredi parties.
The general strike could be a decisive moment in Israel’s political crisis, especially if protests continue to escalate. While it is unlikely that the government will fall solely due to external pressures, internal fractures within the coalition could lead to its collapse.
The deepening polarization within Israeli society, which Netanyahu and his far-right partners seem to be fostering, could eventually be their undoing. A national unity government, as proposed by Deri, could emerge as a solution, offering Netanyahu a way out while reshaping the future of Israeli politics.
Ameer Makhoul is a leading Palestinian activist and writer in the 48 Palestinians community; he is the former director of Ittijah, a Palestinian NGO in Israel. He was detained by Israel for ten years.
