TPC Staff
The Palestine Chronicle / January 1, 2025
Itamar Ben-Gvir’s rise in Israel’s government reflects the growing influence of Kahanism, pushing for ethnic cleansing and the annexation of the West Bank, while deepening internal political instability under Netanyahu’s fragile coalition.
Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel’s National Security Minister and a staunch disciple of the late extremist rabbi Meir Kahane, is often at the center of the storm in Israel’s increasingly far-right government under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Ben-Gvir’s rise is a symptom of a deeper ideological shift in Israel — one that threatens both internal stability and the expansion of Israeli violence in the region.
At the heart of understanding Ben-Gvir’s ultimate goal is not merely examining his actions as a minister, but rather the broader ideological and political agenda he represents.
His agenda is not just to manage the current situation to his benefit, but to fundamentally reshape Israel’s identity, its relationship with the Palestinians, and its role in the region.
In fact, much of this has already been achieved. In the process, he has become a symbol of the Kahanist vision for Israeli society, advocating for the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians and the annexation of the entire West Bank.
The ‘Kahanist revolution’
Ben-Gvir’s beliefs are not new but are rooted in the ideology of Meir Kahane, a radical rabbi who founded the Kach Party in the 1970s. Kahane’s ideology, which included calls for the expulsion of Palestinians from historic Palestine, a theocratic state, and the violent suppression of Palestinian resistance, was once on the fringes of Israeli politics.
However, with Netanyahu’s coalition government, Kahanism has firmly entered the mainstream.
One of Ben-Gvir’s most controversial proposals — building a synagogue at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound — encapsulates his vision. Al-Aqsa, one of Islam’s holiest sites, is located in occupied East Jerusalem.
For Ben-Gvir, whose party Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) is deeply invested in religious Zionism, the desecration of Palestinian sanctities is not an isolated provocation but part of a broader effort to establish Israeli sovereignty over all of occupied Jerusalem, including the sacred Muslim sites.
As TPC Ramzy Baroud states, Ben-Gvir seeks to ignite a religious war in the region that would not only further entrench Israel’s settler-colonial project but also fulfil his messianic vision for a “Greater Israel” that stretches across the entire historic land of Palestine and beyond.
Policy of racial exclusion
Ben-Gvir’s rhetoric is often overtly racist. He has repeatedly called for the “cleansing” of Palestinians from large areas of the West Bank and has endorsed punitive measures that violate international law, including collective punishment and restrictions on Palestinian movement.
His call for permanent checkpoints in the West Bank, which he framed as necessary for “Israeli life,” reflects his belief that the rights of Palestinians are secondary to the rights of Jewish citizens.
Ben-Gvir’s constant demands for military control over Palestinian communities and for harsher measures against Palestinian prisoners, including defending Israeli military atrocities, showcase a commitment to upholding the apartheid status quo that systematically dehumanizes Palestinians.
Ben-Gvir’s policy proposals go beyond security concerns — he is pushing for a society where Palestinians are either confined to small, isolated areas or expelled entirely.
His statements about restricting the Palestinian movement and his support for settler violence are not mere expressions of ‘security concerns’ but part of a wider plan to institutionalize racial segregation and the erasure of Palestinian identity in their own land.
Political power struggles
But Ben-Gvir is also a polarizing figure within the Israeli political landscape. While he commands the support of Israel’s far-right base, particularly among settlers in the West Bank and the religious Zionist camp, he is also a source of tension within Netanyahu’s coalition.
His threats to withdraw from the government over budget disputes — such as his opposition to Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich’s fiscal policies — highlight his role as a key political player whose power within the coalition can make or break government stability.
The recent budget debacle, where Ben-Gvir threatened to scuttle key measures, shows that his political manoeuvring is as much about securing power within the coalition as it is about advancing his ideological goals.
Despite calls from within the coalition to fire him, Netanyahu has been unwilling to oust Ben-Gvir, fearing that doing so would fracture his coalition and leave him vulnerable to political challenges from far-right factions.
As Sam Sokol of The Times of Israel pointed out, Netanyahu’s survival as prime minister is intricately tied to placating the far-right elements in his government. Ben-Gvir, with his 14-seat Otzma Yehudit party, holds substantial sway over Netanyahu’s ability to govern.
Is Netanyahu willing to fire Ben-Gvir ?
Netanyahu’s reluctant support for Ben-Gvir despite his repeated defiance and provocations raises the question of whether Ben-Gvir will ever be removed from office. As of now, it seems unlikely. Netanyahu’s coalition remains fragile, and without Ben-Gvir’s backing, the government could collapse, potentially triggering another election.
This is a risk Netanyahu cannot afford to take, especially with the far-right increasingly setting the tone of Israeli politics.
Furthermore, Ben-Gvir’s influence is not just political — his supporters, including violent settler groups, form a key part of Netanyahu’s base. Firing Ben-Gvir would risk alienating these groups, which could destabilize Netanyahu’s hold on power. In this sense, Ben-Gvir is not only an ideological ally but also a political asset for Netanyahu, despite the tensions that periodically surface within their government.
A vision of ethnic cleansing
Itamar Ben-Gvir’s actions and rhetoric suggest that his ultimate goal is the establishment of a theocratic, ethnocentric state with no room for Palestinians. His policy aims are clear: the annexation of the occupied West Bank, the expulsion of Palestinians, and the dismantling of any remaining Palestinian rights.
His statements about the West Bank being “Judea and Samaria” and his call for the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from their own land align with the views of his mentor, Meir Kahane, who envisioned a Jewish-only state and the end of any Palestinian claim to their historic homeland. This vision, far from being a fringe position, is now at the heart of Israel’s far-right politics.
None of this should suggest that Netanyahu opposes Ben-Gvir’s ideological stance. To the contrary, it was Netanyahu who, over the years, brought Israel closer to the extreme right, creating political space for figures like Ben-Gvir to become prominent in Israeli politics.
The main disagreement, however, lies in the fact that Ben-Gvir expects a greater share of power, while Netanyahu insists on being the maestro, holding all the cards and exploiting the deep ideological and political schisms within Israeli society to maintain his rule.
Netanyahu’s gambit succeeded for years, until the latest Israeli actions in Gaza and the subsequent wars in Lebanon, Yemen, and beyond. These events have made Netanyahu’s task of reigning in his unruly ministers far more complex. Once a man with all the cards, Netanyahu’s standing is now compromised and weakened.
Some analysts have suggested that the budget vote could have been a perfect opportunity for Netanyahu to fire Ben-Gvir and use that as leverage to end the war in Gaza without facing Ben-Gvir’s insatiable demands for more conflicts. That opportunity may have been lost, highlighting not only Ben-Gvir’s stronghold over Israeli politics but also Netanyahu’s increasingly weakened grip.
2025 is likely to be a year of further instability in Israeli politics, a system that has already been stretched to the brink of collapse.
